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Throughline

Abortion Before Roe

Abortion wasn't always controversial. In fact, in colonial America it would have been considered a fairly common practice: a private decision made by women, and aided mostly by midwives. But in the mid-1800s, a small group of physicians set out to change that. Obstetrics was a new field, and th

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Episode Summary

Executive Summary: The episode traces how abortion shifted from a common, largely private practice in early America to a criminalized act by 1880, and how it was later pushed underground until Roe v. Wade. It centers on the AMA, Horatio Storer, and Anthony Comstock, showing how medicine, racism, professional rivalry, and morality politics drove criminalization and shaped modern abortion debates.

Main Topics: Abortion before criminalization (Priority: 5/5): In colonial and early U.S. life, abortion was commonly understood through 'quickening' and was generally accepted before fetal movement was felt. Women and midwives handled pregnancy termination as a private matter. Medical professionalization and male control (Priority: 5/5): The rise of male obstetricians and the AMA created a new medical hierarchy that sidelined midwives and women, and abortion became a tool for doctors to claim authority over reproduction. Horatio Storer's anti-abortion crusade (Priority: 5/5): Storer reframed abortion as murder from conception, wrote for the AMA, attacked women’s knowledge, and helped inspire state-level criminalization across the country. Race, nativism, and demographic anxiety (Priority: 4/5): The anti-abortion movement was tied to fears of declining Protestant white birthrates, immigration, and 'race suicide,' making abortion regulation part of racial and population politics. Comstock laws and federal suppression (Priority: 4/5): Anthony Comstock expanded the campaign by criminalizing mailing contraception and abortion information, helping push abortion and birth control into a broader vice crackdown. Illegal abortion and public health crisis (Priority: 5/5): Once abortion was criminalized, it moved underground, leading to unsafe procedures, infections, deaths, and unequal outcomes based on class and race. Reform, feminism, and Roe v. Wade (Priority: 4/5): Mid-20th-century doctors, lawyers, and feminists challenged criminal laws, culminating in Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion nationwide but still kept physicians central to access.

Key Arguments: Abortion was not invented by Roe v. Wade; it predated criminalization and was widely practiced in early America. The concept of life beginning at conception was a later ideological shift, not a timeless legal or religious consensus. Medical men used abortion politics to consolidate professional power and exclude midwives, women, and Black practitioners. Anti-abortion reform was shaped by racism and nativism, especially concern over declining white Protestant birthrates and immigration. Criminalization did not eliminate abortion; it made it dangerous, secretive, and unevenly accessible, with poorer women and women of color suffering most. By the 1960s, doctors themselves were often leading reform because they saw the harms of illegal abortions firsthand. The modern abortion fight emerged from the collision of medical authority, feminist demands, Catholic opposition, and state enforcement. Roe v. Wade legalized abortion nationwide, but the court still preserved a significant role for doctors and did not make abortion a purely autonomous choice.

Data Points: Maternal mortality in early 1800s: around 500 per 100,000 births - Used to show childbirth was far more dangerous before modern medicine. Reduction in maternal mortality today: 95% lower than early 1800s rate - Highlights medical advances in childbirth safety. Estimated annual abortions in late 19th century: around 2 million per year - Supports the claim that abortion was common before broad criminalization took hold. Year Roe v. Wade decided: 1973 - Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion nationwide. States whose anti-abortion laws were invalidated by Roe: 46 states - The Court rendered state anti-abortion laws unconstitutional. Year AMA letter sent to governors: 1860 - Horatio Storer ghostwrote an AMA campaign letter against abortion. Year Comstock law passed: 1873 - Federal anti-obscenity law criminalized mailing abortion/contraception information. Penalty under Comstock law: up to $5,000 fine and 10 years in prison - Punishment for mailing prohibited materials. By year abortion was outlawed in all states: 1880 - States had enacted abortion bans across the country. Madame Restell fortune estimate: $1,000,000 to $1,500,000 - Shows the scale and profitability of her abortion business. Madame Restell prices: $5 preventive powder; $1 monthly pills; $20 poor women; $100 rich - Illustrates the commercial abortion market and class-based pricing. Illegal abortion estimates in mid-20th century: 200,000 to 1.2 million per year - Indicates the scale of underground abortion after criminalization.

Pivotal Quotes: "People, I think, still think that. Abortion was never practiced and was always illegal until the Supreme Court decision in 1973. And they think that the decision created the practice of abortion and expanded it. And that is completely wrong." — Leslie Regan: Explains the episode's core corrective to common assumptions about abortion history. "The child is alive from the moment of conception." — Horatio Storer (as quoted in the episode): Represents the ideological shift used to justify criminalizing abortion. "What is it you're pioneering? What do you want me to say? The sexual revolution." — Narrator/archival voice: Marks the transition from medical reform to broader cultural conflict over abortion and sexuality.

Implications: The episode shows abortion law as a product of power struggles over medicine, race, gender, and morality—not a fixed tradition. It suggests today’s debates are rooted in 19th-century political and professional campaigns, with lasting effects on access and inequality.

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