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Biden's tax plan goes after the little fossil fuel subsidies, but not the big ones

(If you’d rather listen than read, just click play above.) President Joe Biden has released the tax plan that is meant to pay for his $2+ trillion infrastructure plan. You can read the New York Times for a full breakdown. The bulk of the revenue will come from a set of changes to corporate tax law,

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David Roberts Guest

Episode Summary

Executive Summary: David Roberts argues that Biden’s rollback of fossil fuel tax preferences is politically meaningful but economically modest. The direct subsidies are small relative to the broader tax plan and unlikely to affect gas prices; the real issue is the much larger hidden costs of fossil fuels, which would require a carbon tax to address. The fight is mainly about political power, industry influence, and signaling.

Main Topics: Biden’s tax plan and fossil fuel loopholes (Priority: 5/5): The episode opens with Biden’s infrastructure funding plan and the specific provision rolling back oil and gas tax benefits. Roberts frames this as a notable but limited move within a much larger corporate tax overhaul. Direct fossil fuel subsidies are economically small (Priority: 5/5): Roberts argues that the targeted tax loopholes would raise only a modest amount of revenue and would not meaningfully change gasoline or energy prices because oil is globally traded and company margins are large. Indirect subsidies and externalities are the real issue (Priority: 5/5): The larger cost of fossil fuels comes from externalities—climate damage, pollution, and related social costs—that are not reflected in market prices. Roberts suggests this is what people often mean by fossil fuel subsidies. Carbon pricing as the real revenue lever (Priority: 4/5): He notes that a carbon tax could generate enough revenue to fund Biden’s infrastructure plan, but it remains politically unacceptable to both parties despite claims of bipartisan appeal. The debate is about power and legitimacy (Priority: 5/5): Beyond revenue, the subsidy fight is a political test of fossil fuel industry influence in Congress and a way for Democrats to force legislators to take a public position. Joe Manchin as the key gatekeeper (Priority: 4/5): The episode ends by highlighting that the bill’s fate—and the fossil fuel subsidy rollback in particular—ultimately depends on Senator Joe Manchin’s approval.

Key Arguments: The direct oil and gas tax changes are too small to materially affect consumer gasoline prices or national energy costs. Oil prices are set globally, so U.S. companies would absorb the cost mainly through lower profits rather than higher prices. Biden’s proposed rollback would raise only $35 billion over 10 years, a small fraction of the revenue needed for the infrastructure plan. If policymakers want real revenue and decarbonization, they must address the much larger indirect subsidies created by pollution and climate damages. Calling externalities “subsidies” is partly semantic, but the underlying point is that fossil fuel companies do not pay the full social cost of their business. A carbon tax could, in theory, raise enough money to fund the infrastructure package, yet neither party is willing to adopt it. Industry opposition persists because the issue is also about preserving political clout and signaling continued influence in Washington.

Data Points: Biden infrastructure plan: $2.5 trillion - Size of the tax plan the fossil fuel subsidy rollback would help fund Revenue from closing oil and gas tax loopholes: $35 billion over 10 years - Treasury estimate for the direct fossil fuel subsidy rollback Share of Biden tax plan revenue: 1.4% - Portion of total tax-plan revenue represented by the fossil fuel loophole changes Exxon revenue in 2020: $181 billion - Used to show how small the subsidy rollback is relative to oil company scale Exxon revenue in 2019: $265 billion - Prior-year revenue used for comparison Exxon revenue decline in 2020: 31.5% - Year-over-year decrease due to pandemic-era market conditions Representative Ilhan Omar and Senator Bernie Sanders proposal: $15 billion a year - Revenue estimate for the End Polluter Welfare Act’s broader tax changes Omar-Sanders proposal over 10 years: $150 billion - Equivalent 10-year revenue from the expanded subsidy definition Oil Change International estimate: $20 billion a year - More aggressive estimate of fossil fuel subsidies IMF global fossil fuel subsidies: $5.2 trillion - Combined direct and indirect global subsidies/externalities estimate IMF estimate as share of global GDP: 6.4% - Scale of global fossil fuel subsidy burden Treasury carbon tax model starting rate: $49 per metric ton in 2019 - Modeled carbon tax level cited as a revenue benchmark Treasury carbon tax model ending rate: $70 per metric ton in 2028 - Later tax rate in the modeled carbon tax pathway Carbon tax revenue estimate: $2.2 trillion over 10 years - Projected revenue, roughly enough to fund the infrastructure plan

Pivotal Quotes: "the hue and cry over fossil fuel subsidies in the U.S. is somewhat of a tempest in a teapot" — David Roberts: Opening framing of the argument that direct subsidies are politically loud but economically limited "The big fossil fuel subsidies are the externalities." — David Roberts: Core thesis that the true public cost of fossil fuels lies in unpriced harms rather than tax-code loopholes "This story is mostly about political power and social license." — David Roberts: Summary of why the subsidy rollback matters even if it is not a major revenue source

Implications: The subsidy fight is more symbolic than fiscal, but it tests fossil fuel industry power and Democrats’ willingness to confront it. Real decarbonization and revenue would require carbon pricing or similar policies, which remain politically blocked.

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