In Our Time
In Our Time

Republicanism

Melvyn Bragg examines how English republicanism has developed from Cromwell to the present day. Before the French Revolution, before the American Declaration of Independence, before Rousseau, Thomas Paine and Marx there was the English Revolution. In 1649 England executed its King - Charles Stuart -

Featured Speakers

Andrew Roberts GuestSarah Barber Guest

Topics Discussed

Episode Summary

Executive Summary: The podcast debates whether English republicanism was a deep-rooted indigenous tradition or an improvised response to crisis. Sarah Barber argues republican ideas existed in English political culture before 1649 and resurfaced repeatedly, while Andrew Roberts contends republicanism was largely ad hoc, emerging from civil war, regicide, and later foreign threats. The discussion tracks its fortunes from the 1640s to the 1990s and concludes it remains marginal in Britain.

Main Topics: Origins of English republicanism: The guests debate whether republican ideas were embedded in England before the Civil War or only emerged because of wartime upheaval and the execution of Charles I. Regicide and the Commonwealth: They discuss how the 1649 execution of Charles I forced politicians to improvise a replacement for monarchy, producing a fragile republic and protectorate. The Levellers and radical politics: The conversation examines the Levellers as an ideological force, with disagreement over whether they were a coherent equality movement or a looser coalition focused on rights, law, and representation. Republicanism, monarchy, and national identity: Both speakers connect republican sentiment to fear of monarchy, the Norman yoke, religious conflict, and foreign invasion, especially in the 17th and late 18th centuries. 1790s reactions to the French Revolution: The discussion shows how the French Revolution and war with France helped derail British republicanism, strengthening monarchist and nationalist sentiment instead. Victorian and modern republicanism: The guests consider brief surges of republican feeling during Queen Victoria’s seclusion and the 1990s royal scandals, but conclude such sentiment is usually temporary and weak.

Key Arguments: Barber argues republican ideas were present before 1649 in forms such as commonwealth thinking, classical republican education, and earlier writers like Sir Thomas Smith. Roberts argues the Commonwealth lacked a settled republican ideology, shown by uncertainty over symbols, oaths, and institutions, proving republicanism was improvised. Barber says regicide and republicanism should be distinguished: the execution of Charles I did not necessarily imply a personal grudge against the king, but a structural critique of monarchy. Roberts maintains Charles I’s personality and absolutism were decisive in triggering civil war and the collapse into regicide. The Levellers were ideologically important, but Barber says they were not a single coherent equality movement; opponents exaggerated their radicalism. Roberts argues the Levellers were stamped out because their agenda was more radical and dangerous than simple property rights or representation. The French Revolutionary wars and fear of invasion made British society rally around monarchy and constitutional order rather than republicanism. Barber argues republican ideas survived through recurring political motifs: direct representation, accountability, and voluntary consent to government. Both agree republicanism in Britain has repeatedly reappeared when monarchy seemed to fail, but rarely became dominant. Roberts concludes modern British republicanism has little future because monarchy is not merely accepted but emotionally valued.

Data Points: Execution year of Charles I: 1649 - England executed Charles Stuart and declared itself a republic. Republic period: 1649-1653 - The Commonwealth lasted four years before the Cromwellian protectorate and restoration. Civil War window discussed as republican context: 1642-1646 - Barber argues England functioned in an effectively republican way while the king was excluded from power. Regicide signatories: 59 people - Roberts notes only 59 signed the death warrant for Charles I. Council of State quorum: 9 people - Roberts emphasizes how small the governing republican elite was after the purge. Burford mutiny: May 1649 - Discussed as the suppression of Leveller-linked political expression in the army. Personal Rule: 11-year rule - Charles I’s personal rule is cited as a major cause of conflict before the Civil War. Victoria’s seclusion: 10 years - Her withdrawal after Albert’s death is described as fueling republican criticism. Republican sentiment poll: 40% - A mid-1990s poll found 40% admitting republican sentiment amid royal troubles. French invasion scare: 1797 - Mentioned as a key fear influencing British politics during the anti-republican backlash. Irish revolt: 1798 - Referenced as reinforcing fears of instability and Catholic influence.

Pivotal Quotes: "Regicide led to ad hoc republicanism." — Andrew Roberts: Roberts summarizes his view that the Commonwealth was improvised after Charles I’s execution. "It is completely against the tradition of 20th century history that a single person... can have play a big part." — Sarah Barber: Barber stresses that Charles I’s personal actions mattered greatly in provoking constitutional crisis. "No, none at all, because it's not just what they know and think works, it's also what they love and believe in." — Andrew Roberts: Roberts answers whether republicanism has a future in Britain, arguing emotional loyalty to monarchy endures.

Implications: The episode suggests British republicanism is real but episodic: it gains traction when monarchy seems illegitimate, then fades under fear, war, or attachment to tradition. For listeners, it frames monarchy as resilient and republicanism as intellectually persistent but politically marginal.

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