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The Age of the Strongman: Understanding Netanyahu, with Anshel Pfeffer (Part Two)

In November 2022, Benjamin Netanyahu returned to power in Israel after winning his sixth election. Propped up by a bloc of far-right and ultra-religious parties, Netanyahu’s government is seen by many as the most extreme in Israeli history. But he is also a remarkably successful politician: he first

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Episode Summary

Executive Summary: The episode examines Benjamin Netanyahu through the lens of “strongman” politics, arguing he is less a classic authoritarian than a leader who exploits institutional weaknesses, coalition dependence, and political survival instincts. The discussion covers his judicial overhaul, corruption trial, Gaza war strategy, coalition dynamics, and the limits of his control over Israel’s direction.

Main Topics: Netanyahu as a non-classic strongman (Priority: 5/5): The speakers argue Netanyahu is not an ideological democrat-breaker like 20th-century strongmen; instead, he exploits weak points in Israel’s institutions and norms when it suits his survival. Supreme Court and democratic checks (Priority: 5/5): The panel explains why Netanyahu’s coalition targeted the Supreme Court: it is Israel’s main check on power in a country without a constitution, and is viewed by the right/religious camp as a block to their goals. Coalition dependence and ministerial power (Priority: 5/5): Netanyahu’s governing majority depends on far-right partners like Ben Gvir and Smotrich, who hold significant leverage and control key policy areas, leaving Netanyahu comparatively weak within his own government. Corruption trial and institutional delay (Priority: 4/5): His long-running corruption case is framed as another example of Netanyahu using delay, procedural weakness, and political leverage to avoid accountability while remaining in office. Gaza war, strategy, and survival (Priority: 5/5): The discussion argues that Israel’s war strategy is unclear and that Netanyahu’s main objective is coalition survival, not a coherent end-state for Gaza or the Palestinian conflict. Future of the conflict and two-state question (Priority: 4/5): Listeners ask whether a Palestinian state might actually benefit Israel by creating a state-to-state conflict, but the answer is that both sides claim the same land and compromise remains extremely difficult. Sara Netanyahu and personal influence (Priority: 2/5): The speakers address speculation about Sara Netanyahu’s influence, acknowledging she matters personally and politically but stressing that responsibility lies with Netanyahu himself.

Key Arguments: Netanyahu is not a classic strongman because he did not spend most of his career trying to erode democratic institutions; the judicial fight arose late and was partly forced by coalition partners. The Supreme Court is the central check on power in Israel because the country lacks a constitution and other durable constitutional safeguards. Right-wing and religious groups oppose the Court because it protects secular and minority rights, including LGBT rights and non-Orthodox Jewish movements. Netanyahu’s coalition structure gives outsized leverage to small partners, making him dependent on figures like Ben Gvir and Smotrich. His corruption trial has been prolonged by delay tactics and weak institutional enforcement; the case highlights how modern strongmen exploit institutional gaps rather than simply smash institutions. The October 7 intelligence failure occurred at multiple levels: analysts warned, senior intelligence leaders failed to act, and political leadership underweighted Hamas. Israel’s current Gaza strategy is not a coherent national war plan but is tied to Netanyahu’s political survival and the preferences of his far-right coalition. Hamas is weakened militarily but cannot be eliminated as an ideology or social movement through force alone. A two-state solution could theoretically simplify Israel’s security dilemmas, but territorial and religious claims make it extraordinarily hard to achieve. Sara Netanyahu may influence him, but the central accountability remains with Netanyahu as elected leader. If Hamas unexpectedly surrendered and released hostages, Netanyahu would present it as proof of his Churchill-like victory, but such an outcome is considered implausible.

Data Points: Years Netanyahu served before returning to power: 13 years - He led Israel for a total of 13 years before returning to office at the end of 2022. Return to office: End of 2022 - The discussion is centered on Netanyahu’s latest term after returning to power in late 2022. Investigations began: 2016 - Netanyahu’s corruption investigations started almost a decade earlier. Indictments filed: 2019 and 2020 - The formal indictments in his corruption cases were issued in 2019 and 2020. Trial duration in court: 4 years - The case has been in court for four years at the time of the discussion. Israel’s electoral threshold: 3.25% - Explaining how Netanyahu helped consolidate his bloc, the speaker cites the threshold parties must clear to enter the Knesset. Election advantage: 8 more seats - Netanyahu’s bloc gained a majority edge after the election because his camp ran in cohesive lists without wasted votes. Casualty-rate finding: Lowest casualty prime minister on average - A commissioned data analysis found Netanyahu had the lowest average annual casualty rate among Israeli prime ministers. Estimated Gaza destruction: 70% of buildings destroyed - Used to argue that even while devastation is extreme, the far-right’s idea of expelling Gazans is still unrealistic. Estimated deaths in Gaza: at least 60,000 people killed - Cited in the context of Gaza’s destruction and the discussion of alleged genocidal intent. Public sentiment against war: 70% of Israelis - The speaker says at least 70% of Israelis are fed up with the war and would want it to end sooner.

Pivotal Quotes: "He is not a classic strongman, I think." — Anshel Pfeffer: Characterizing Netanyahu as someone who exploits institutional weaknesses rather than ideologically attacking democracy from the start. "The strongmen of our century are the ones who exploit the weaknesses of existing institutions rather than just smashing them and doing away with them." — Gideon Rachman: A broader definition of modern strongman politics compared with 20th-century authoritarianism. "It's his war, but it's not Israel's war." — Anshel Pfeffer: Arguing that Netanyahu’s continuation of the Gaza war is driven by political survival rather than a clearly defined national strategy.

Implications: The conversation suggests Netanyahu’s power rests on coalition leverage and institutional fragility, not total control. For listeners, it highlights how modern strongmen can manipulate democracies from within, especially during war and judicial crisis.

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