The Economics Show
The Economics Show

The Economics of Parenting, with Emily Oster

Emily Oster is a professor of economics at Brown University, but she is probably best known as the author of the bestsellers 'Expecting Better' and 'Cribsheet', which crunch the research about the often gut-driven practice of parenting. Today on the show we talk about research, p

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Episode Summary

Executive Summary: Samaya Keynes interviews economist Emily Oster about using data to navigate pregnancy and parenting. Oster argues that evidence quality varies widely, many recommendations rest on weak correlation-based studies, and parents need clearer distinctions between “absence of evidence” and “evidence of safety.” She discusses pregnancy, complications, early childhood, school-age parenting, phone use, and the need for better-funded research.

Main Topics: Why an economist studies parenting: Oster explains her role as a health economist is to evaluate data quality, separate correlation from causation, and help parents make decisions aligned with their preferences and doctors' advice. The limits of data for deciding whether to have children: She frames having a child as a 'wild problem' not well suited to cost-benefit analysis because the joys and burdens are hard to quantify, even though happiness patterns can be measured. Pregnancy myths and weak evidence: Oster challenges simplistic fertility age cutoffs and pregnancy rules, arguing that many common beliefs arise from arbitrary data binning or low-quality observational evidence. Complications in pregnancy and managing anxiety: Discussing her new book, she says complication-focused information is best for people who already face a problem, not for those seeking preemptive reassurance, because salience can increase anxiety. Parenting after birth: trade-offs and evidence-based habits: She emphasizes that many parenting choices involve trade-offs, but some recommendations are clearer, such as early allergen introduction and safe sleep practices. School-age children, phones, and family decision-making: Oster argues older children need more sleep, phone use should be actively managed by parents, and phones should be banned in schools. Improving the evidence base through funding: She says better research will mostly require money, especially government or foundation funding, because many important parenting and maternal-health questions lack commercial sponsors.

Key Arguments: Economists add value in parenting because they can assess data quality, identify bias, and explain what evidence can and cannot support. A published academic paper or official recommendation is not automatically high-quality evidence; many studies suffer from confounding and correlation/causation problems. Choosing whether to have a child is not well answered by data, because the emotional and life-value dimensions are too difficult to measure. Fertility declines gradually with age rather than dropping off a cliff at 35; the cutoff is largely an artifact of how data are grouped. Bed rest for pregnancy complications is commonly prescribed but lacks evidence of benefit and likely reflects misread counterfactuals. Occasional light alcohol use in pregnancy has far more evidence behind it than marijuana use; evidence for marijuana remains much weaker and more confounded. Parents should distinguish between lack of strong evidence and genuine reassurance; certainty of absolute safety is never possible, but the weight of evidence matters. Complication-focused pregnancy information can reduce anxiety for affected patients, but reading it preemptively may raise anxiety unnecessarily. Many parenting choices after birth involve balancing small costs and benefits rather than following one universally correct rule. Early allergen introduction is one area where Oster is confident the evidence supports action to reduce allergy risk. Sleep is a major determinant of child functioning and is often sacrificed because families overcommit to activities. Phones should be banned in schools, and parents should tightly manage children’s phone access, apps, and overnight phone storage. Better data on parenting and child health will likely come from noncommercial funding sources such as governments and foundations.

Data Points: Pregnancy complications prevalence: about 50% of pregnancies - Oster says complications are individually rare but globally common. Prescribed bed rest for pregnancy complications: about 20% of cases - She says it is still commonly prescribed despite lacking support in the data. Fertility age pattern: highest at 16–17; declines gradually; no sharp change at 35 - Used to rebut the idea of a fertility cliff. Breastfeeding/sex survey modal frequency: once or twice a month - Reported from a Parent Data survey about sex among parents. School-age sleep example: an 11-year-old getting home at 10 p.m. - Illustrates how overscheduling can cut into sleep needs. Phone age recommendation: 12–13 years old - Oster suggests this may be a realistic minimum age in the current environment.

Pivotal Quotes: "correlation is not. Causation." — Emily Oster: Explaining the main methodological problem with parenting research. "it's actually very difficult to use either data or our like ledger of positives, negatives, whatever decision tool you want to think about the question of whether to have a kid" — Emily Oster: Describing why deciding to have children is a 'wild problem'. "I see no evidence, and I've spent a lot of time both looking at the evidence and talking to people about this. I see simply no reason that kids should need to have phones in schools." — Emily Oster: Her argument for banning phones in schools.

Implications: Listeners should treat parenting advice as evidence-weighted, not authority-based. Better choices come from understanding trade-offs, questioning low-quality studies, and demanding better-funded research on pregnancy and child development.

From the Episode

That I probably spend the most time on is the question of what's correlation and what's causation. An awful lot of our papers have the form of one group does one thing and one group does another thing, and we're trying to compare the outcomes for their kids, but it turns out the groups are different in all kinds of ways, other than the characteristic you're interested in. So, separating out that particular behavior from any other overall features of the families is really, really hard. So, that's probably the thing I say the most: correlation is not. Causation. There are some other problems with literature, also. Okay, well, why don't we get to those? Because I now want to walk us through, I guess, the chronology of the child production process, because we're just going to stick with weird economics terminology for my own amusement. So, starting at the beginning of the process, and actually, this is a question that you don't discuss much in your books, but it's coming up a lot in my social circles. The first question is: do you want to have a child, right?

Emily Oster · at 2:59

Does the data offer any guidance on that? How would you advise people making that decision? So, Russ Roberts, who's another economist, has a book called Wild Problems, which is about the kinds of questions that we ask ourselves that are not amenable to the cost-benefit analysis that economists like. For me, this is his most salient example of a wild problem: that it's actually very difficult to use either data or Or our like ledger of positives, negatives, whatever decision tool you want to think about the question of whether to have a kid, because it is so difficult to describe both what's hard about it and what's joyful about it. So people ask me, Should I have a kid? Should I have another kid? You know, what does the data say about that? I could tell you things about happiness after a kid, how we would analyze that, and so on. But I actually don't think that that's a question very well answered by data. It tends to go down, right? Happiness goes down.

Emily Oster · at 3:59

Yes. So, okay. So, that's a very concrete, good question. I think absolutely I would ban phones in schools. I see no evidence, and I've spent a lot of time both looking at the evidence and talking to people about this. I see simply no reason that kids should need to have phones in schools. And I think that many people agree with that. A more complicated question is: how do you manage phones with your kids? In the data, we certainly see some evidence of phones. And particularly social media having negative consequences for girls, but it's not all girls. There's a lot more heterogeneity in that than you might think. So, some kids definitely benefit from the kinds of connections they make. So, I don't think of phones as an all-or-nothing. It feels to me like a place where there's huge value in trying to get to good phone hygiene with your kids in a deliberate way. You're gonna give your kid a phone, they don't get to decide what they do with it or how.

Emily Oster · at 23:29
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About The Economics Show

The Economics Show with Soumaya Keynes is a new weekly podcast from the Financial Times packed full of smart, digestible analysis and incisive conversation. Soumaya Keynes digs deep into the hottest topics in economics along with a cast of FT colleagues and special guests. Come for the big ideas, stay for the nerdery.Soumaya Keynes is an economics columnist for the Financial Times. Prior to joining the FT she worked at The Economist for eight years as a staff writer, where as well as covering trade, the US economy and the UK economy she co-hosted the Money Talks podcast. She also co-founded the Trade Talks podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

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