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The Sunday Debate: Blame Liberals For the Rise of Populism

A delve into the archive and back to 2019 when we debated a motion asking whether the left’s policies of high immigration and multiculturalism caused the disaffection which has given rise to populism? Or was it the right, with its tabloid scare stories about foreigners eroding national identity? We

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Episode Summary

Executive Summary: This debate examined whether liberals and liberalism helped create the conditions for modern populism. Panelists disagreed on definitions and causes, but converged on themes of elite detachment, inequality, demographic anxiety, and institutional decay. Some argued populism is a response to real grievances and the financial crash; others warned it is inherently anti-pluralist and a path toward authoritarianism.

Main Topics: Defining populism and liberalism (Priority: 5/5): The panel first struggled to pin down both terms. Populism was framed as anti-elite politics, while liberalism was debated as either classical individual freedom or a pejorative label for elites and progressives. Are liberals to blame? (Priority: 5/5): Goodwin argued liberals are partly responsible through economic individualism and cultural excess, while Hannan and Shafak emphasized that liberalism itself is being confused with neoliberalism and identity politics. The financial crash and inequality (Priority: 5/5): Hannan and others linked the 2008 crash and bailout politics to public anger, distrust, and a sense that the system serves the rich. Shafak stressed long-term inequality and stagnant opportunity. Demographic and cultural change (Priority: 4/5): Goodwin argued anxiety over immigration and rapid demographic change is a major driver of populism, while others warned these concerns are often exploited by demagogues. Democracy versus liberal institutions (Priority: 5/5): Shafak argued populists keep the ballot box but hollow out rule of law, media freedom, minority rights, and checks and balances, turning democracy into majoritarianism and then authoritarianism. Can liberalism renew itself? (Priority: 4/5): The panel debated whether liberals need to concede reforms on representation, inequality, and political institutions, or whether current liberal principles remain the best safeguard against both populism and elitism. Populism as enduring or temporary (Priority: 4/5): John Simpson viewed populism as a historically recurring but temporary movement tied to broader shifts, while Goodwin and Shafak suggested it is likely to persist because the grievances feeding it remain unresolved.

Key Arguments: Goodwin argued populism is rooted in a nation-state backlash against neglected people and that liberals have underestimated its appeal, especially its promise of identity, tradition, and belonging. Shafak distinguished classical liberalism from neoliberalism, arguing the latter is a market-driven ideology that has increased inequality and weakened public trust, while true liberal democracy depends on rule of law, free media, and minority rights. Hannan claimed the financial crash and bank bailouts were the immediate trigger for political backlash, because ordinary families bore the costs of a system that appeared rigged in favor of elites. Hannan also argued liberal critics often catastrophize populism and dismiss legitimate grievances instead of reforming institutions and redistributing power locally. Simpson contended populism is less an ideology than an expression of anger and resentment, and that it is often used by strongmen like Erdogan and Putin for personal political ends. Shafak repeatedly warned that populist movements consolidate power by changing courts, media, and electoral rules, making them inherently anti-democratic once in office. Goodwin said liberalism has been hijacked by a progressive strand obsessed with victimhood and identity categories, alienating ordinary voters and accelerating populist backlash. Several speakers agreed that elites across ideological lines have become increasingly disconnected from working-class and non-metropolitan experiences. The panel broadly agreed that inequality, institutional mistrust, and lack of representation are genuine grievances, even if they disagree on how much blame should be placed on liberals. The discussion suggested that populism cannot be defeated only by attacking populists; it requires serious reforms to political representation, economic fairness, and institutional legitimacy.

Data Points: Populist share of vote in Europe: 1 in 4 votes - Presented by the host as the current share of votes cast in national elections in Europe going to populist parties. Populist vote share 20 years earlier: single digits - Used to show how sharply populist support has risen over two decades. European countries with populists in power: 11 - Host cited the number of European countries then governed by populists. Countries sliding backward on civil liberties/political rights: 72 - Shafak cited a Freedom House finding about democratic backsliding. Countries making progress: 35 - Contrasted with the 72 countries sliding backward in Freedom House data. Billion people lifted out of poverty: 1 billion - Simpson used this to defend liberal internationalism and globalization. Timeframe for poverty reduction: 15 years - Simpson tied the reduction in poverty to the last 15 years. Wealth/income captured by top 1% in 1928: 15% - Shafak used historical inequality data to argue inequality has worsened. Wealth/income captured by top 1% in 2018: more than 82% - Shafak cited this as evidence of extreme inequality in Europe. Median household income in America: stagnant since 1985 - Shafak referenced US income stagnation as part of the grievance landscape. Leavers with prior UKIP interest: about 60% - Hannan argued Brexit support was broader than a simple UKIP/populist project. MPs from manual-work backgrounds: 3% - Used to illustrate the disconnect between Parliament and ordinary workers. MPs who only worked in politics: 18% - Used alongside the 3% manual-work figure to show elite narrowing. Young people identifying on far right or far left in UK: doubled - Shafak noted rising polarization among younger people. Young people identifying on far right or far left in Sweden: tripled - Shafak cited Sweden as an example of sharper youth polarization. Bulgaria projected population decline by 2050: 27% - Goodwin used this to highlight demographic anxiety in Europe. Estimated year the US becomes majority-minority: 2044 - Goodwin cited this as an example of demographic change fueling anxiety. Mass migration/heritage question: EU free movement effects on low wages - Audience concern referenced the impact of migration on vulnerable workers.

Pivotal Quotes: "I think that populism is the wrong answer to some very real and very genuine problems." — Elif Shafak: She framed populism as a symptom of unresolved grievances rather than a legitimate solution. "The move from status to contract." — Daniel Hannan: He used this classic liberal idea to define liberal society as one based on individual autonomy and voluntary exchange. "We need to differentiate that classical liberal philosophy ... from neoliberalism, which is something completely different." — Elif Shafak: She distinguished genuine liberalism from market-driven ideology and argued the latter helped drive backlash.

Implications: The debate suggests populism will persist unless liberal systems address inequality, representation, and cultural anxiety. For politics and media, the challenge is to stop simplifying grievances while defending democratic institutions from illiberal capture.

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