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Trump, Brexit and the Direction of 2021, with Will Davies and Matt Goodwin

2021 is already set to be a monumental year. On January 1 Britain finally Brexited with a deal. On January 20 Joe Biden will become President of the United States. And as we move towards the summer months more and more of us will be vaccinated against COVID-19. What will these seismic events mean fo

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Matthew Goodwin GuestWill Davies Guest

Topics Discussed

Episode Summary

Executive Summary: The discussion examines the Capitol riot, Brexit, and the shifting political foundations of the US and UK. Matthew Goodwin argues Trumpism is a dangerous break from populism and that value-based polarization is reshaping both countries. Will Davies stresses the role of institutional distrust, media amplification, and economic inequality, warning that culture-war politics and democratic legitimacy are becoming entrenched.

Main Topics: Capitol riot and the nature of Trumpism (Priority: 5/5): The speakers react to the January 6 storming of the US Capitol, debating whether it is best understood as populism, fascism, or a broader breakdown of democratic norms. Goodwin sees Trump as having crossed into a quasi-fascist willingness to legitimize violence; Davies emphasizes the radicalization of Trump supporters and the Republican Party. Polarization and democratic legitimacy in the US (Priority: 5/5): Both speakers argue that America is deeply split along values, identity, and tribal loyalties rather than economics alone. Goodwin highlights cumulative polarization and the lack of a unifying national story; Davies notes longstanding refusal by parts of the right to accept Democratic legitimacy. Brexit as a symptom and accelerant of UK culture war (Priority: 5/5): The conversation frames Brexit as both an expression of and catalyst for a new political divide in Britain, driven by identity, culture, sovereignty, and distrust of institutions. Goodwin sees a durable traditionalist-modernist cleavage; Davies argues Brexit amplified anti-parliamentary sentiment and institutional resentment. Economics, class, and the new political divide (Priority: 4/5): Davies argues that asset ownership, housing, education, and generational inequality still matter greatly, even as values become more salient. Goodwin accepts economic frustration but says cultural and identity divides now cut across class and increasingly dominate voting behavior. Media, misinformation, and culture-war amplification (Priority: 4/5): Davies repeatedly points to newspapers, social platforms, and political entrepreneurs as amplifiers of grievance and false narratives. He argues that some culture-war claims are exaggerated or invented, while Goodwin says real disputes over education, speech, and race exist and should not be dismissed as imaginary. Biden’s election and implications for the UK (Priority: 3/5): The speakers assess what Biden means for Britain, the Johnson government, and global politics. Davies is skeptical about simple transatlantic parallels; Goodwin predicts Biden will be more multilateral, more aligned with the EU on Brexit, and still protectionist toward China. Scottish independence and the future of the Union (Priority: 3/5): The final discussion touches on Scotland, where Goodwin argues leadership cues from Nicola Sturgeon are re-framing national identity in a progressive direction. He suggests the next general election may again be fought on English identity versus SNP influence, making the Union increasingly unstable.

Key Arguments: Trump is not merely a populist but has moved toward a crypto-fascist posture by signaling that political violence is acceptable. The Capitol riot was enabled by a wider Republican culture that has long questioned the legitimacy of Democratic victories. American polarization is cumulative and now so intense that Democrats and Republicans interpret the same event in completely opposite ways. Britain is developing a similar but lagging pattern: Brexit and direct-democratic politics have weakened respect for parliamentary institutions. The main UK political cleavage is shifting from left-right economics to traditionalist-modernist values, with age and education acting as proxies. Culture wars are not purely media inventions; they reflect real disputes over education, speech, race, and national identity. At the same time, media and political actors can exaggerate or fabricate controversies to keep culture-war tensions alive. Economic insecurity still matters, especially through housing, assets, and intergenerational inequality, but it now intersects with identity politics. Brexit was driven substantially by desires for sovereignty, control over immigration, and taking back decisions from distant institutions. Johnson’s 2019 success came from reuniting Leave voters and turning the Conservatives into a de facto Brexit-party identity coalition. Biden may shift US foreign policy toward multilateralism and the EU, but he is also economically protectionist and unlikely to reverse Trump-era trade dynamics quickly. The Labour Party’s central challenge is winning back England, especially cross-pressured voters in the Midlands and North who are culturally conservative but economically left-leaning.

Data Points: Poll support among Republicans for Capitol attack: 45% - Davies cites a poll suggesting nearly half of Republicans agree with or support what happened on January 6. Democrats blaming Trump for the riot: 85% - Goodwin references polling showing most Democrats place responsibility on Trump. Republicans blaming Democrats for the riot: 85% - Goodwin says most Republicans blame the outcome on Democrats rather than Trump. British university participation in the 1960s: around 10% - Davies uses this historical comparison to show how much higher education participation has grown over time. British university participation today: approaching 50% - Davies argues rising graduate numbers are reshaping political values and class structure. Conservative Party polling under Johnson: about 38% average last month - Goodwin uses this to compare Johnson’s support with Cameron-era levels. UK net contribution to the EU: £9 billion back a year - Goodwin cites this as one perceived benefit of Brexit being reclaimed by the UK. Levelling Up Fund: £4 billion - Goodwin lists this as part of post-Brexit investment in neglected regions. UK capital spending referenced for left-behind areas: £100 billion - Goodwin says communities like Bolsover and Bishop Auckland are now central to national spending plans. Civil servants moving out of London: 32,000 by 2030 - Goodwin presents this as part of the government’s levelling-up agenda. OBR estimate of Brexit GDP effect: 4% annual long-term loss - Davies says the Office for Budget Responsibility projects a significant GDP hit from Brexit.

Pivotal Quotes: "I think we have a president who thankfully is leaving, but who is also clearly undermining democratic norms and willing to incite his supporters to do so." — Matthew Goodwin: Goodwin’s response to the Capitol riot, arguing Trump crossed a line from populism into anti-democratic behavior. "These things are not imaginary, these things are real." — Matthew Goodwin: Goodwin pushing back against the claim that culture-war concerns are entirely manufactured. "I don't think that Brexiteers were ever about to kind of breach the Houses of Parliament and start to sort of storm around." — Will Davies: Davies distinguishing the UK experience from the US riot while still warning about anti-parliamentary sentiment in Britain.

Implications: The discussion suggests both the US and UK are moving toward politics organized around identity, legitimacy, and culture rather than economics. Expect more polarization, weaker trust in institutions, and harder-to-resolve conflicts over nationhood, education, immigration, and democracy.

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