The Economics Show
The Economics Show

What would Trump do on trade? With Alan Beattie

This campaign, candidate Donald Trump is promising even more extreme versions of the policies that marked his first term. But what would higher, and more widespread, tariffs actually look like? And in what form would any retaliation come? Today on the show, Soumaya and the FT’s senior trade writer A

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Episode Summary

Executive Summary: The episode examines what a second Trump presidency could mean for trade, arguing his plans could be highly disruptive, legally contested, and much broader than past tariff policy. The discussion covers universal and China-specific tariffs, likely retaliation, WTO hostility, export controls, subsidies, sanctions, and the possibility that Trump could reshape U.S. trade policy through uncertainty and coercion rather than coherent strategy.

Main Topics: Trump’s tariff agenda (Priority: 5/5): The conversation centers on Trump’s proposed tariffs: 60% on China and 10%-20% on the rest of the world, plus reciprocal tariffs matching foreign duties. The guests stress the plans are extreme, economically risky, and may not be fully thought through. Likely implementation vs. campaign rhetoric (Priority: 5/5): The analyst distinguishes between Trump’s promises and what may actually happen, suggesting some version of the tariffs could be implemented, though perhaps less comprehensively than advertised. Retaliation and negotiation dynamics (Priority: 4/5): The episode discusses how trading partners may try to negotiate exemptions or mini-deals, as they did in Trump’s first term, while the EU’s anti-coercion instrument could enable more aggressive countermeasures. Legal and constitutional constraints (Priority: 4/5): There is debate over whether Trump has authority to impose broad tariffs. Section 301 and Section 232 may support targeted measures, but a universal tariff could be challenged in court—though the guest doubts checks and balances would hold if Trump returns. Broader trade-policy toolkit beyond tariffs (Priority: 4/5): The discussion expands to export controls, entity-list restrictions, subsidies, sanctions, and the WTO. The analyst argues these tools would likely become more erratic and politically driven under Trump. Inflation, household incomes, and political effects (Priority: 5/5): The episode assesses tariff pass-through to consumer prices, the risk of lower real incomes, and the potential for inflation and Fed tightening. It also notes Trump may still benefit politically from anti-foreign economic messaging. No meaningful trade-deal agenda (Priority: 3/5): The guests conclude that a second Trump term is unlikely to produce substantive trade agreements, as Washington has become broadly hostile to trade deals and prefers managed or symbolic frameworks.

Key Arguments: Trump’s tariff plans are unusually extreme, ranging from moderate protectionism to near-autarky, and his actual implementation may land below his rhetoric but still be highly disruptive. A universal tariff is harder to justify legally than China-specific measures or national-security tariffs, but the guest doubts courts would meaningfully stop Trump if elected. Foreign partners are likely to seek exemptions or carve-outs, repeating the first Trump term’s negotiation pattern; the EU may again offer purchases to win relief. Reciprocal tariffs could create absurd outcomes, especially where U.S. tariffs are already high in sectors like agriculture and autos. Tariffs are unlikely to be absorbed mostly by foreign exporters; prior evidence suggests exporters did not meaningfully cut prices, and consumers or firms bore much of the cost. A new round of tariffs on China, especially on EVs and new products, could induce more exporter price-cutting than in the first round because firms may try to gain market share. Tariffs could function like a national sales tax, cutting after-tax household income and raising inflation in the short run. If tariffs raise prices broadly, the Fed may respond with higher interest rates, slowing the economy. Trump and allies may believe trade deficits can be solved with trade policy, but economists argue deficits are mainly determined by macroeconomic factors like savings, investment, and exchange rates. The EU now has the anti-coercion instrument, which could be used if Trump’s measures are seen as political coercion rather than normal trade retaliation. Trump’s approach to export controls, the entity list, sanctions, and even TikTok-style restrictions appears highly erratic and dependent on short-term political incentives. A second Trump term is unlikely to revive substantive multilateral or bilateral trade-deal making; the political environment in Washington is hostile to trade agreements.

Data Points: Trump tariff on China: 60% - Described as a consistent promise for across-the-board tariffs on Chinese imports. Trump tariff on rest of world: 10% to 20% - Proposed across-the-board tariff on non-China imports, with Trump sometimes saying 10% and sometimes 20%. Trump promise vs. likely delivery: 7 vs. 6 - Guest’s rough assessment that Trump’s rhetoric is around a 7/10 in extremity and actual delivery around a 6/10. US tariff on some cars: 25% - Used as an example of why an eye-for-an-eye reciprocal tariff policy may not be straightforward. Average household income hit: 4% - Peterson Institute estimates cited for consumer price pass-through from 20%/60% tariffs. Average household income hit in dollars: More than $2,600 - Estimated immediate after-tax income loss for the average household if tariffs are passed through to consumers. US steel and aluminum tariffs: Section 232 - National-security tariffs from Trump’s first term that could legally remain available. China trade action authority: Section 301 - Cited as the legal basis Trump could use again for retaliation against China. WTO leadership odds: Less likely than Alan Beattie becoming Director General - A humorous way of saying Trump would not support the WTO.

Pivotal Quotes: "this is a man who really does seem to want to dismantle a lot of U.S. democracy. You know, you're electing an authoritarian." — Alan Beattie: On why legal and institutional checks may not restrain a second Trump presidency. "The only direction he'll go in is actually totally crippling the institution, refusing to participate and indeed blocking negotiations, actually refusing to pay the financial dues." — Alan Beattie: On Trump’s likely approach to the World Trade Organization. "Trump is now veering off to the part of the map marked Hirby Dragons. We will end up in places we have not been before." — Alan Beattie: Closing summary of the uncertainty and risk around a second Trump term.

Implications: Listeners should expect a second Trump term to bring higher trade barriers, more uncertainty, possible retaliation, and broader economic spillovers beyond goods trade. Businesses should prepare for legal, political, and policy volatility across tariffs, controls, sanctions, and investment rules.

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About The Economics Show

The Economics Show with Soumaya Keynes is a new weekly podcast from the Financial Times packed full of smart, digestible analysis and incisive conversation. Soumaya Keynes digs deep into the hottest topics in economics along with a cast of FT colleagues and special guests. Come for the big ideas, stay for the nerdery.Soumaya Keynes is an economics columnist for the Financial Times. Prior to joining the FT she worked at The Economist for eight years as a staff writer, where as well as covering trade, the US economy and the UK economy she co-hosted the Money Talks podcast. She also co-founded the Trade Talks podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

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