Speaking of Psychology
Speaking of Psychology

Why people believe in conspiracy theories, with Karen Douglas, PhD

This past year, COVID-19 and the U.S. elections have provided fertile ground for conspiracy theories—with sometimes disastrous consequences. Karen Douglas, PhD, of the University of Kent in the United Kingdom, discusses psychological research on how conspiracy theories start, why they persist, who i

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Episode Summary

Executive Summary: The episode examines why conspiracy theories flourish, especially during crises like COVID-19, and why they persist despite weak evidence or contradictions. Social psychologist Dr. Karen Douglas explains conspiracy belief as driven by needs for certainty, control, and identity, shaped by narcissism and distrust, and discusses why debunking is difficult but possible through pre-emptive inoculation, warnings, and sensitive, targeted communication.

Main Topics: What conspiracy theories are and why they persist: Douglas defines conspiracy theories as secret plots by powerful groups with sinister goals, arguing they are a recurring feature of human psychology rather than a new internet-era phenomenon. Psychological motives behind belief: She organizes conspiracy belief around epistemic motives (certainty/knowledge), existential motives (control/safety), and social motives (self-esteem, uniqueness, group identity). Who is more likely to believe: Research links conspiracy belief to lower education, younger age, narcissism, and feelings of powerlessness, but not consistently to gender. Contradictory conspiracy beliefs: People can endorse mutually inconsistent conspiracies because the underlying belief is often simply that 'something is being covered up,' which can accommodate multiple explanations. Why some theories spread and reappear: Large, socially or politically significant events tend to generate durable conspiracy narratives; some theories mutate over time and reemerge in new forms, especially in polarized media environments. How to debunk misinformation: Facts can help most when delivered before exposure; inoculation, forewarnings, and critical-thinking prompts are more effective than trying to correct entrenched beliefs afterward. Balancing skepticism with historical mistrust: Douglas notes that some communities have valid reasons to distrust institutions, so anti-misinformation efforts must be context-sensitive and avoid one-size-fits-all messaging.

Key Arguments: Conspiracy theories are not a recent anomaly; they have always existed and often intensify during crisis and social upheaval. People believe conspiracy theories partly because they satisfy needs for certainty, control, and belonging when events feel threatening or unexplained. Higher conspiracy belief is associated with narcissistic or uniqueness-seeking tendencies, including the desire to possess secret knowledge. Younger people tend to score higher on conspiracy belief measures; the research does not consistently show gender differences. Belief in one conspiracy theory predicts belief in others, even contradictory ones, because the common denominator is suspicion that a cover-up exists. Social media may not have increased the existence of conspiracy theories, but it has made them easier to find, reinforce, and polarize. Debunking is hardest after beliefs are entrenched; prevention, inoculation, and early warnings are more effective than post hoc fact-checking alone. Anti-misinformation strategies must account for legitimate historical reasons some communities distrust institutions, especially in health contexts like vaccines.

Data Points: Pew Research familiarity with QAnon: More than half of Americans - September Pew survey found widespread awareness of the QAnon conspiracy network. Congressional elections linked to QAnon support: 2 candidates - Two candidates who voiced support for QAnon theories were elected to Congress in November. Vaccines destroyed by pharmacist: Hundreds of doses - A Wisconsin pharmacist was charged with deliberately destroying COVID-19 vaccine doses due to a DNA-change conspiracy theory. Age and conspiracy belief: Younger people score higher - Douglas reports a consistent negative correlation between age and conspiracy belief. Gender differences: No consistent differences found - Her research has not found that men or women systematically believe more in conspiracy theories overall. Historical survey evidence: Limited and source-dependent - Claims of spikes around the Industrial Revolution and post-WWII are based on sparse evidence such as letters to newspapers. Belief in one conspiracy theory: Predicts belief in others, even contradictory ones - Participants could endorse both that Princess Diana was murdered and that she faked her own death.

Pivotal Quotes: "A conspiracy theory can normally be defined as a proposed plot carried out in secret, usually by a powerful group of people who have some kind of sinister goal." — Dr. Karen Douglas: Definition of conspiracy theory at the start of the interview. "We argue that people are drawn to conspiracy theories in order to satisfy or in an attempt to satisfy three important psychological motives." — Dr. Karen Douglas: Explanation of epistemic, existential, and social motives. "It is exactly like that game. You're constantly trying to, you've got one, and then you're constantly trying to hit another one away." — Dr. Karen Douglas: Describing the challenge of countering new conspiracy theories as a whack-a-mole problem.

Implications: Listeners should treat conspiracy belief as a psychological and social phenomenon, not just a misinformation problem. Effective responses require early inoculation, trusted messengers, and sensitivity to real historical mistrust, especially in polarized or high-stakes domains like vaccines and politics.

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