Monetary Matters
Monetary Matters

Biggest Trade Shock Since Civil War | Douglas Irwin on Trump’s “Bigger Than Smoot-Hawley” Tariffs, Great Depression Balance of Payments History, and Tariff Incidence (Who Pays?)

This episode of Monetary Matters is brought to you by VanEck. Learn more about the VanEck Semiconductor ETF (SMH): http://vaneck.com/SMHJack Learn more about the VanEck Fabless Semiconductor ETF (SMHX): http://vaneck.com/SMHXJack Renowned trade historian Douglas Irwin joins Jack to compare the ongoi

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Jack Farley HostDouglas Irwin Guest

Topics Discussed

Episode Summary

Executive Summary: Professor Douglas Irwin argues Trump’s 2025 tariffs are historically unprecedented in speed and scale, likely harmful but not as catastrophic as Smoot-Hawley. He explains tariffs as an inefficient tool for revenue, industrial policy, or trade balance management, emphasizing that trade deficits are driven mainly by capital inflows and the U.S. fiscal deficit, not simply unfair trade.

Main Topics: Scale and historical comparison of Trump tariffs (Priority: 5/5): Irwin compares the new tariffs to Smoot-Hawley and other U.S. tariff episodes, arguing the current jump from low single digits to around 18% is exceptionally abrupt by historical standards. Smoot-Hawley, the Great Depression, and causality (Priority: 5/5): He rejects the claim that Smoot-Hawley caused the Great Depression, saying it likely worsened it modestly but was not the main driver versus monetary collapse and the gold standard. The interwar trilemma and exchange controls (Priority: 4/5): Irwin explains the tradeoff between gold standard membership, free trade, and monetary autonomy, showing how tariffs, quotas, and exchange controls were used to preserve fixed exchange rates without deflation. Why economists dislike tariffs (Priority: 5/5): He frames tariffs as poor tools for raising revenue, restricting imports, or helping domestic industry, noting deadweight loss, higher consumer prices, and harm to downstream firms. Trade deficits, capital inflows, and the dollar (Priority: 5/5): Irwin argues the U.S. trade deficit reflects foreign demand for U.S. assets and persistent capital inflows, not simply unfair trade; the dollar’s strength is tied to reserve-currency status and safe-haven demand. China, subsidies, and non-market competition (Priority: 4/5): He distinguishes China’s state-backed industrial policy from normal market competition, citing cheap credit and excess capacity as distortions that justify targeted rather than universal tariffs. Political economy and future tariff persistence (Priority: 4/5): Irwin warns tariffs are hard to remove once imposed because they create revenue, protected constituencies, and diplomatic friction, making reversal politically and institutionally difficult.

Key Arguments: Trump’s tariff increase is historically extreme in rate-of-change, unlike the more incremental tariff changes of prior eras. Smoot-Hawley did not cause the Great Depression; it likely worsened conditions, while monetary contraction and the gold standard played the central role. During the interwar period, tariffs and exchange controls were used to preserve fixed exchange rates while avoiding deflation, but this was an indirect and inefficient policy choice. Tariffs are a weak tool for revenue because they tax a narrow base and distort economic activity more than broader taxes. Tariffs can protect one industry but raise costs for downstream industries and reduce export competitiveness. Trade deficits are largely the mirror image of capital inflows; the strong dollar reflects foreign demand for U.S. assets and reserve-currency status. Manufacturing job losses are mostly due to productivity and technology, not imports; foreign competition matters more in specific sectors like textiles and apparel. China’s industrial overcapacity is driven by state support and cheap credit, which argues for targeted trade actions rather than blanket tariffs on allies. Tariffs can be passed through to U.S. consumers, so the burden often falls domestically rather than on foreign exporters. Reducing the U.S. fiscal deficit would be a more direct way to ease the current account deficit than tariffs. Universally applied tariffs risk damaging alliances and trust with countries that are not strategic adversaries. Services trade is less directly tariffable than goods trade, so current policy focuses mainly on merchandise. Once tariffs are in place, vested interests and revenue dependence make them difficult to unwind quickly.

Data Points: Average U.S. tariff rate before Trump tariffs: about 2% to 3% - Irwin compares pre-Trump tariff levels with the new tariff regime. Average tariff rate after Trump tariffs: about 18% - He says the increase happened almost overnight relative to historical tariff changes. Smoot-Hawley tariff change: about 38% to about 42% - He notes the direct statutory change was smaller than popular memory suggests. Peak effective tariff after 1930 deflation effects: almost 60% - Specific duties rose in ad valorem terms as prices fell during the Depression. Price level decline during the Great Depression: about one-third - Deflation between 1929 and 1933 amplified the real burden of specific tariffs. U.S. trade as share of GDP in 1929: about 5% - Irwin uses this to argue tariffs had limited macro impact then. U.S. trade as share of GDP today: about 10% to 15% - He says the economy is more trade-exposed now than in the interwar period. Estimated GDP impact of current tariffs: 0.3% to 0.5% of GDP - He cites outside estimates from CBO, Yale Budget Lab, and PIIE-style simulations. Expected growth drag: 30 to 50 basis points - He translates tariff effects into likely annual growth impact. Steel labor hours per ton in the 1980s: 10 worker hours - Example of manufacturing productivity then versus now. Steel labor hours per ton today: 1 worker hour - Shows automation and productivity gains in steel. Manufacturing job losses attributed to technology/productivity: about 90% - He says most manufacturing employment decline is not due to imports. U.S. manufacturing jobs from trade-balance adjustment studies: about 1 million more jobs - He cites Robert Lawrence-type estimates of a balanced current account scenario. China foreign exchange reserves peak cited: about $4 trillion - Used as an example of earlier state-led currency intervention. Federal fiscal deficit: about 6% of GDP - He argues this helps draw in foreign capital and supports the trade deficit. U.S. steel company global ranking: 29th largest - A listener example used to illustrate China’s scale in steel. First Trump-term tariff pass-through: almost complete pass-through - He says academic studies found tariffs were largely borne by U.S. consumers. Gold standard price deflation in 1930s: about 1/3 fall in prices - Explains why specific duties became more burdensome in ad valorem terms.

Pivotal Quotes: "These tariffs are off the chart in terms of the change." — Douglas Irwin: His opening comparison of current tariffs with historical U.S. tariff changes. "I’d say most economic historians don’t think it caused the Great Depression, but it probably exacerbated it." — Douglas Irwin: His assessment of Smoot-Hawley’s role in the Depression. "There’s no such thing as a free lunch." — Douglas Irwin: His summary of the tradeoffs involved in lowering the dollar or using tariffs to reshape the economy.

Implications: The episode suggests tariffs will likely raise prices, add uncertainty, and strain alliances while only modestly improving trade balances. If the U.S. wants a smaller deficit, fiscal reform and targeted industrial policy may be more effective than broad protectionism.

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Jack Farley interviews the very best financial minds about macro, markets, and monetary matters. Follow Jack on Twitter @JackFarley96.

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